In Junk Food Politics, Eduardo J. Gómez considers how junk food industries, in collusion with states, shape public policy in developing countries to expand their markets while regulation such as “sugar taxes” begin to restrict growth in developed countries. This groundbreaking work exposes the strategies by which sugary drink and fast food companies boost profits and sidestep accountability, leaving individuals and health systems to suffer the consequences, writes Aida Hassan.
It’s easy to assume that poor diet result from our own choices as consumers. The appeal of junk foods and unhealthy eating habits is rising online, thanks to “mukbang” YouTube streams and viral TikTok food trends, placing blame on individuals as adversaries to their own health. Eduardo Gomez’s book, Junk Food Politics offers a refreshing perspective that challenges this individualistic logic. Gomez reveals how industries (and states) are at the heart of the health problems caused by the widespread consumption of ultra-processed foods.
For junk food industries, branching out their business to developing countries was not only driven by the promise of new lucrative markets, but also their fear of losing their capital in wealthier countries.
The book illustrates the expansive role of junk food industries in shaping public policy to meet their commercial objectives in developing economies. For junk food industries, branching out their business to developing countries was not only driven by the promise of new lucrative markets, but also their fear of losing their capital in wealthier countries. This fear particularly stems from the rise of consumer knowledge about the harmful health impact of junk food and resulting changes in behaviour, such as a reduced demand for high-sugar soft drinks and salty foods. In the last decade, American consumers have become more cautious about their diet and better informed about the nutritional harm of ultra-processed foods. Junk food industries have therefore capitalised on opportunities for foreign direct investment and expansion of the Western diet as the basis to thrive in developing countries.
Rethinking commercial determinants of health
What makes Junk Food Politics a rich and refreshing contribution is the macropolitical approach to commercial determinants of health. Unlike many works on this topic, Gomez takes a bolder approach to the role of states – and their allied relationship with junk food industries – in proliferating ultra-processed foods and non-communicable diseases (NCDs). The author builds on his previous research on the failures of state regulation, as well as the (in)action of civil society, in preventing non-communicable diseases in Latin American countries. In this book, the author fleshes out these critiques further by delving deep into the revolving-door dynamics between state leaders and junk food industries.
Gomez’s key contribution lies in his theoretical framework of “Industrial Politics and Complementary Institutions” to interrogate industrial tactics in junk food policy, including the mutually beneficial relationship between states and industries.
Gomez’s key contribution lies in his theoretical framework of “Industrial Politics and Complementary Institutions” (25) to interrogate industrial tactics in junk food policy, including the mutually beneficial relationship between states and industries. In the case of Mexico, former president Vicente Fox, who had previously served as the chief executive of Coca-Cola’s operations in Latin America, maintained strong ties to the soda industry and actively steered clear of introducing a sugar tax on soda products during his presidency (67). Felipe Calderon and Enrique Pena Nieto, Fox’s successors, also embraced Nestle and PepsiCo with open arms, driven by the neoliberal belief that these industries could vitalise the country’s economy and create employment opportunities (67-8). All the while adopting a laissez-faire approach to curbing consumption of unhealthy foods, against the backdrop of rising childhood obesity rates in Mexico.
Junk food industries rely on corporate social responsibility activities (such as education programmes in schools) to not only build connections with policymakers, but to establish legitimacy of their policy influence.
But complementary institutions have also “motivated policymakers to refrain from pursuing aggressive regulatory policies” while beholden to the belief that “these industries are important allies that are doing their part to help solve the obesity and diabetes problem” (313). During Calderon’s Administration, PepsiCo worked closely with the education secretary to establish exercise programmes in Mexican schools (68). Similarly in India, PepsiCo was viewed by Modi’s government as an “important partner in helping the government achieve its objective of improving the diet and nutrition of India’s children” (173). Junk food industries rely on corporate social responsibility activities (such as education programmes in schools) to not only build connections with policymakers, but to establish legitimacy of their policy influence.
Fear or control?
The author makes it clear why junk food industries go to great lengths to preserve their economic capital. But there is a crucial question that remains unanswered: what exactly makes developing countries attractive to these industries? While Gomez makes a strong case regarding the give-and-take relationship between states and industries, his analysis overlooks the deeper socio-political drivers that motivate these industries to exert such influence over policy. The rise of food insecurity, for instance, is a critical factor in cultivating the commercial success of junk food industries in the Global South.
The rise of junk food politics in the Global South does not just stem from a logic of increasing business for business’ sake, but perhaps speaks to a level of colonial control over local economies and food systems.
In addition to the rise of NCDs, the disruption of local food systems can and should be linked to junk food companies. In The “McDonaldization” of Society, sociologist George Ritzer also points to how fast-food industries have dominated food systems across the globe and westernised local (and indigenous) cultures. Big junk food companies such as McDonald’s and Coca-Cola have become emblematic of the American diet and, more broadly, of American culture. Regardless of where you are in the world, it’s virtually impossible to miss one of their restaurants or a store that sells Coca-Cola products nearby. This also speaks to the globally shared problem of unequal access to healthy, affordable foods. The rising costs of living, including stark food prices, essentially push marginalised communities into buying unhealthy foods as the only affordable option. Meanwhile, industries manipulate policy to maintain their economic capital, while absolving themselves as a contributor to the NCD problem through their remedial corporate social responsibility activities. The rise of junk food politics in the Global South does not just stem from a logic of increasing business for business’ sake, but perhaps speaks to a level of colonial control over local economies and food systems.
The book illuminates how this corrupt system of control operates, with corporations pushing unhealthy foods at low prices to maximise their profits, while states work with them and become complicit in exacerbating the costs to people and health systems.
Nevertheless, Junk Food Politics makes a compelling case that the proliferation of unhealthy foods (and NCDs) in developing countries is not merely a matter of consumer trends. Rather, it is a strategic effort by powerful industries in shaping policies for material gain. The book illuminates how this corrupt system of control operates, with corporations pushing unhealthy foods at low prices to maximise their profits, while states work with them and become complicit in exacerbating the costs to people and health systems. Gomez offers a groundbreaking perspective on commercial determinants of health, which is desperately needed to capture the complexities and tensions inherent in junk food policy.
- This review first appeared at LSE Review of Books.
- Image credit: Rusty old fashioned drugstore sign with Coca Cola logo in New York State, USA. © Spiroview Inc on Shutterstock.
- Please read our comments policy before commenting.
- Note: This article gives the views of the reviewer, and not the position of USAPP – American Politics and Policy, nor of the London School of Economics.
- Shortened URL for this post: https://wp.me/p3I2YF-eeO